Richard gasquet dating

Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen . These have beefn bookmarked and reviewed for completeness. Spade’s, below) appears in an issue of Vivarium dedicated to medieval realism; other essays in the volume, aside from these two, specifically concern Scotus, Sharpe, and Holcot. In the , by contrast, Wyclif aligns “the idea theorica of the artes with a state of prelapsarian gracefulness and happiness, from which the methods and disciplines of contemporary academia are an inevitable decline” (257). First, the , in so far as they designate academic disciplines, are not longer thought of either as remedial of the fallen human condition, or as propaedeutic to an apprehension of divine truth. He explains that vernacular religious literature had continental influences and contends that, while it was often interested in liturgy and orthodox reform, it was still “imaginative and inventive.”] Gilpin, William. “London, British Library, Additional MS 37049 – A Spiritual Encyclopedia.” Barr and Hutchinson 99-116. The established religious culture of the north, of both the organized church and the lay spirituality, was grappling with the same issues that concerned Lollards, but came up with solutions which were perfectly in keeping with the orthodox church without falling into heresy. 244 (discussed by Hanna in “Two Lollard Codices”), Bodley 647 shows “access to a common Lollard copying centre or ‘library.” Hanna describes the history of the volume’s early use and interpretation, and concludes with an argument for its thematic coherence “devoted to a discussion of proper priesthood.” An appendix provides a full collation.] Hanna, William. According to Levy, “The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. Spencer includes editions of the documents relevant to his case.] —. [Spencer gives a history of Furnivall’s efforts to publish Wyclif’s Latin works, spurred by the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death in 1384.

“The Letter of Richard Wyche: An Interrogation Narrative.” PMLA 127.3 (2012): 626-642. Brown examines how the teachings of an increasingly universal Church were applied at a local level and how social change shaped the religious practices of the laity. of the New Testament, in the Scottish dialets, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackne, on examination proves to be a Scottish rescension of Wyclif’s version.”] Bruce, Frederick F. “‘In ipso sunt idem esse, vivere, et intelligere’: Notes on a Case of Textual Bricolage.” pertaining to divine being, life, and thought. Unfortunately, this semantic approach partially undermines his defence of realism, since it deprives Sharpe of any compelling semantic and epistemological reasons to posit universalia in re. “Annihilatio e divina onnipotenza nel Tractatus de universalibus di John Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 71-85. “Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages.” In Lloyd A. as an anti-Lollard critique by showing how artisans and Lollards were seen as reflections of each other.] Copeland, Rita. Specifically, this article points to a correspondence between a tension at the heart of Lollard attitudes to the theory and practice of scriptural exegesis and a tension at the heart of Lollard perspectives on end times events. “Oon of Foure: Harmonizing Wycliffite and Pseudo-Bonaventuran Approaches to the Life of Christ.” Johnson and Westphall 341-373.

“The Problem of Poverty and Literacy: 66 (1975): 5-23. “Of grace and gross bodies: Falstaff, Oldcastle, and the fires of reform.” Ph. Beckwith frames her study with discussions of twentieth-century manifestations of sacramental theater in Barry Unsworth’s novel , and the connections between contemporary revivals of the York Corpus Christi plays and England’s heritage culture.”] Bennett, H. “The Production and Dissemination of Vernacular Manuscripts in the Fifteenth Century.” 4 (2000): 239-51. It will appear that in his analysis of the only sacrament which is a “social act“ in the literal sense of the expression, Wyclif (i) clearly acknowledges the central role of individual intentions behind (linguistic) conventions, and (ii) carefully distinguishes between the different, chronologically disparate acts involved in marriage and their respective (semantic, psychological and factual) felicity conditions.”] Chadwick, Dorothy. His chronicles provide crucial evidence for Wycliffism. This policy ultimately failed, and was replaced with more direct action which saw several key heretics [including Thomas Bilney] handed over for burning.”] —. Davis highlights Wykeham’s extraordinarily commitment to good governance and his extensive involvement in English politics between . The moral revolution of the Church that Hus called for in his day finds a clear echo in Vatican II’s . “The Early Fourteenth-Century Context for the Doctrine of Divine Foreknowledge in Wyclif’s Latin Sermons.” . Those ties to Wyclif may have kept the poem from being published previously, but the author believes that the poem’s obscure northern dialect of Middle English is more likely to blame.] Haines, R. “‘Wilde Wittes and Wilfulnes’: John Swetstock’s Attack on those ‘poyswunmongeres,’ the Lollards.” . Within this holy fellowship there would be a place for the papacy, but it would no longer resemble the monarchy it had ascended to in the later Middle Ages. “‘Oonly consent of love is sufficient for matrimonie’: Translating John Wyclif’s Word of the Mind.” In , ed. I argue that translation is also subversive because it challenges the claim to an ‘original’ and to an ‘origin.'” Ng therefore examines defenses of translation in the General Prologue (though she also refers to Trevisa) and Tyndale to describe “the narrative about a newly developing relation between a Christian believer and (translated) text.”] Nichols, Ann Eljenholm. ‘silently guides the reader towards a certain reception'” (5). “The Franciscans and their Books: Lollard Accusations and the Franciscan Response.” Hudson and Wilks 364-84.

[Bergs conducts three case studies in Middle English sociolinguistics to test the applicability of Lesley Milroy’s (1987) concept of social network to historical data analysis. Clark has also published a translation of Walsingham’s . [The book demonstrates that the theatrum repudiated by medieval clerics was not “theater” as we understand the term today. [Crassons focuses on the period after the plague, when theological and social conceptions shifted to consider poverty as “a symptom of idleness and other sins” rather than a sign of virtue, as had been the case in the thirteenth-century wake of the fraternal orders (5). “Discarding Traditional Pastoral Ethics: Wycliffism and Slander.” Bose and Hornbeck 227-242. “Heresy Hunting and Clerical Reform: William Warham, John Colet, and the Lollards of Kent, 1511–12.” . [“Wykeham’s administrative talents ensured that he became bishop of Winchester, holder of one of the richest sees in Christendom and Chancellor of England under Edward III and Richard II. Louvain–la-Neuve: Fédération Internationale des Institutes d’Etudes Médiévales, 1998. Instead, the pope would relate to his fellow bishops as St. His fellow Christians would recognize this man as their true pope, for he would be the person most closely resembling the apostolic martyrs and thus prove a genuine disciple of Christ. “Books for Laymen, The Demise of a Commonplace: Lollard Texts and the Justification of Images as a Continuity of Belief and Polemic.” 56.4 (1987): 457-73. [Peikola begins by noting that Lollard writers frequently “opt for a collective and atemporal mode of discourse” as opposed to a discourse which is self-consciously personal or historically situated. Investigating 127 manuscripts of the Bible, he attends to running headers, initials, and especially ruling patterns to “establish whether any such groupings of manuscripts emerge which could provide a starting point for further and more detailed case studies of book productions involving the Wycliffite Bible” (51).] —. finds that finds a mature alternative to Genevan theology existed by the reign of Mary Tudor, led by of a core of ‘freewill men’ who, in Lollard fashion, looked to the scriptures in English for their beliefs, rather than to the new ecclesiastical establishment and state officialdom.”] Peschke, Erhard. New York: Augustinian Historical Institute, 1961-66.

[Bose investigates how Wycliffite and other reformist writers used the life of Christ to “anchor, define, and legitimize” their positions, describing Christ’s vita as common discursive ground for scholastic theologians. [A commentary on Wyclif and studies of his life just before the quincentary of his death. In the play, Falstaff represents a reformationist distrust of the image and reflects. “Reginald Pecock’s vision of religious education for ‘alle cristen peple’ in fifteenth-century England.” Ph. The first two chapters examine continuities between the sophisticated religious prose of the late fourteenth century and Pecock’s corpus in terms of the way that these works sought to influence the pious laity through instruction on devotional practices . This state is used as a standard of measure of the fallen man’s condition. He goes on to argue that Lollardy emerges from Wycliffism, but it also goes beyond “a set of classifiable (and condemnable) beliefs” (27), offering a kind of “generic consistency” for texts, both Wycliffite and not, written both before and after 1382.] —. Moreover, it suggests how its orthodoxy is constructed through its baptismal aspects.”] —. Standing on the firm ground of Augustinian realism, Wyclif disputes the modern logicians, who refute the existence of universals and thus chip away at the foundations of the Christian faith. [Lollards adapted the content of some orthodox works, including commentaries on the basics of the faith. [Mc Cormack discusses passages in which lollardy is mentioned or alluded to in Chaucer’s works, and reviews critical commentary on these passages.] —. Their attitude tended to erode the distinction, emphasized by the scholars of St. “Wyclif’s Influence upon Central and Eastern Europe.” New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. [O’Donnell outlines Wyclif’s argument against Confirmation in the , Netter’s extensive reply, and puts them into context, noting that both were rehearsing earlier arguments, but that differences occur in methodology, especially in Netter’s disagreement with Wyclif’s 61.1 (Jan. [“The article discusses the tenure of 14th-century English theologian and church reformer John Wycliffe as the prebend of Aust in the collegiate church of Westbury-on-Trym in Gloucestershire, England. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 3, Folge 179. While it is possible that some changes were made for ideological reasons, on the whole, changes made with regard to “sensitive matters” stressed the “nature of the poem as a poem” (10).] Peck, Russell. The text survives in seven fifteenthcentury religious miscellanies, ranging from predominantly Lollard collections to those with primarily mainstream texts.

In addition to Wycliffite sermons, the essay analyzes works by Reginald Pecock and Nicholas Love’s Mirror.] Bostick, Curtis V. For a contemporary review, see “Wiclif and his Works,” included below. Lord Cobham or John Castle, the leader of the Lollard rebellion and friend of the young Prince Henry, the fictional character of Falstaff pricks the prince’s conscience about his family’s theft of the crown. My primary concern shall be to show how this treatise can be considered as an important laboratory where Wyclif tests the concepts he was working on.”] —. ] Whethamstede’s poem shows how in England the two Latin styles could work together in opposing the dissident tradition of vernacular theology, as represented in the lollard movement” (21-2). “William Langland and the Invention of Lollardy.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 37-58. “Money and the Plow, Or the Shipman’s Tale of Tithing.” 49.4 (2015): 449-73. [From the abstract: “This dissertation studies the House of Fame in light of its intellectual context and its social and literary milieu. In Boethius’s and Wyclif’s defense of universals, the themes and concerns of their work align closely with those of Chaucer, in particular in his emphasis on the connection that exists between word and deed, between language and reality. Of the three so-called “Lollard” commentaries on the Pater Noster, one–the longer of the two in Arnold–“combines radically Lollard complaints,” but “a close look at the text reveals its strong connection to the existing commentary tradition, not only in terms of its ideas, but also in terms of its vocabulary and phrasing. Victor in the twelfth century, between literal and spiritual senses of scripture. The prebendary, one of four benefices held by Wycliffe in his life, is controversial because the economic benefit he derived from it seems to conflict with Wycliffe’s reputation as a critic of the Catholic Church. Analysis of scribal revision, along with a new critical edition that records variation across all seven manuscripts, shows that most scribes copied the text without concern over its Lollard affiliation. 2, contains a discussion of Oxford, with a brief mention of Wyclif.

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